Book Review: Smuggling and Trafficking of Migrants in Southern Europe: Criminal Actors, Dynamics and Migration Policies

Guest post by Dr Joseph Whittle. Dr Whittle is a graduate of Oxford’s Centre for Criminology and is currently an Associate Lecturer at the School of Justice Studies, Liverpool John Moores University. Dr Whittle’s focus is on human smuggling and organised crime; with a particular interest in Chinese networks.

Review of: Smuggling and Trafficking of Migrants in Southern Europe: Criminal Actors, Dynamics and Migration Policies by Stefano Becucci (Bristol University Press, 2024)

In an increasingly congested field, Stefano Becucci adds value with a rich, clearly written and easily accessible account which looks across different nationalities, routes, and geographies to identify similarities and differences in means, methods, and responses to smuggling and trafficking. Those within the academy who take a more victim-centric perspective on irregular migration may disagree with the approach in places, which posits migrants and facilitators as rational actors and references instances of trafficking being ‘non coercive’. But the evidence presented justifies doing so. It is a welcome addition to the literature emphasising the agency of many people undertaking irregular migration, while also highlighting the harrowing situations some of those trafficked find themselves in. 

Analysing the different routes (eastern, central, and western Mediterranean) and the nationalities using them helps bring out the nuances and differences between routes and how smugglers operate. For example, how flows from sub-Saharan Africa are less planned with some of those moving not necessarily expecting to reach Europe. Whereas those moving Bangladeshi people do so specifically to get them to Cueta (amongst other places). There is also an interesting exposition of how irregular migration should not be seen as just an economic transaction, but also a social one. That discussion highlights how the social capital available to the migrant when they move reduces the ‘risk and cost’ of illegal migration. 

Becucci unpacks and explains the different types of smuggling/trafficking groups and how they operate across a continuum rather than being the homogenous one-size-fits-all groups that the media and political narratives often portray. He does this by exploring the differences between mafias and organised crime groups. This analysis is effective but the reader is left wanting a clearer conclusion that engages with the wider implications of these differences.

In places the author uses individual examples of migrants’ experiences to illustrate points. These examples bring statistics and Becucci’s theoretical arguments to life, but the reader does not really get a clear sense of whether the vignettes are representative of the wider context or not. Also, given that some of the examples provided are approaching ten years old, some more recent sources would also have been welcome.

In chapter three there is an interesting exposition of the impact of illegal migration on Libya’s GDP. This is a rarely looked at element of smuggling and trafficking in the literature. The author goes on to explore how Libyan militia went from smuggling to managing detention centres in order to access funds from Italy and the EU. That analysis is an interesting way to look at how the irregular migration trade evolves over time and is shaped by external action.  

Becucci has a way of simplifying things to make points easily understandable. This is a valuable skill in an area where the academy needs to reach a broader readership (in particular law enforcement and policy makers) if we want research to translate into policy influencing. For example, Becucci talks about smuggling routes really being ‘trajectory lines’ owing to their frequent disruption. This may sound basic but it highlights, in simple terms, how easy it can be to label specific smuggling ‘routes’ when those ‘routes’ actually face frequent disruption and change. 

There are also a few interesting areas that could be the basis for more detailed investigation. For example, it would have been great to understand more about those using air routes to get to North Africa as opposed to the focus on land routes. Likewise, suggestions that there is a correlation between traffickers and corruption and low prosecution rates could do with more analysis. Arguably, low prosecution rates are more likely due to a lack of resources and limited familiarity with prosecuting the relevant laws in many countries. 

The final chapters provide an excellent discussion of the interplay between economics, globalisation, politics, and migration. Economic policies and changes to workers’ rights, for example, can have a significant impact on the labour market and, crucially, the gaps within it. 

Some of the ideas outlined above will not be new to readers, but Becucci brings them out clearly and this work is further evidence as to why policymakers and governments should not seek to adopt broad brush approaches to irregular migration. The experience of the author, gathered across 20 years of work, comes across clearly in the writing and provides a rich and very readable account.

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